Updated: 2 hours 1 min ago
Tue, 10/14/2014 - 13:36
Blacks and Latinos graduate with degrees in computer science and engineering from top universities at rates that aren't reflected in the tech industry's hiring practices, a USA Today investigation found.
Elizabeth Weise and Jessica Guynn report for USA Today:
On average, just 2% of technology workers at seven Silicon Valley companies that have released staffing numbers are black; 3% are Hispanic.
But last year, 4.5% of all new recipients of bachelor's degrees in computer science or computer engineering from prestigious research universities were African American, and 6.5% were Hispanic, according to data from the Computing Research Association.
The USA TODAY analysis was based on the association's annual Taulbee Survey, which includes 179 U.S. and Canadian universities that offer doctorates in computer science and computer engineering.
Diversity, and the lack thereof, has been the talk of the tech industry this summer as top companies including Twitter, Google, Pinterest, eBay, Facebook, and Microsoft slowly succumbed to public pressure and shared the racial and gender breakdowns of their staff. Unsurprisingly, the tech world is a white- and Asian-male dominated industry.
Amidst the hand-wringing, the USA Today investigation findings should quell one common rejoinder, which is that there just aren't enough talented black and Latino applicants, The New School professor Darrick Hamilton tells USA Today.
Getting more women and people of color into technical positions isn't important merely to fill out a company's diversity profile. Some science and technology educational programs argue that getting girls of color into the tech pipeline is a matter of equity and economic sustainability.
Tue, 10/14/2014 - 13:34
They were dispatched to Seattle in 2010 after police shot and killed a Native American woodcarver. They were sent to the 2009 Oakland protests sparked by Oscar Grant's shooting death. And then to Sanford, Florida, in 2012 after protests erupted in the wake of Trayvon Martin's killing. They've been in the St. Louis area since even before Ferguson police officer Darren Wilson shot and killed Michael Brown. And they're in Ferguson now, a team of under-the-radar federal mediators known as the Community Relations Service, overseen by the Department of Justice, who are sent to the scene of bubbling racial conflicts.
This weekend the St. Louis Post-Dispatch explored the limits and powers of the agency, which operates under a cloak of privacy and secrecy. As in: minimal contact with press, closed door community meetings, and peacekeeping but no investigative authority.
The Post-Dispatch's David Hunn reports:
[I]ts goal, said Director Grande H. Lum in an interview last week with the Post-Dispatch, isn't to make arrests or file lawsuits, but to give all sides a private place to talk, and, hopefully, solve their own problems.
"Those are the longest-lasting solutions -- when the people themselves resolve their own disputes," Lum said. His unit, he said, allows "people to speak."
Lum wouldn't discuss the details of his agency's work in Ferguson. He said mediators are trained to identify underlying causes, parties involved, and those who need to be included."We are going to be there," Lum said, "as long as it is needed."
That could be a very long time. Read the rest of the Post-Dispatch story.
Tue, 10/14/2014 - 11:58
Chicago Teachers Union President Karen Lewis is putting aside her mayoral ambitions while she battles a brain tumor, the Chicago Sun-Times reported Monday. The charismatic firebrand was set for a hotly anticipated standoff with Chicago mayor Rahm Emanuel in his bid for re-election.
Her mayoral bid was an outgrowth of the political momentum Lewis, a former chemistry teacher, gained when she and the Chicago Teachers Union took on Emanuel in an historic 2012 citywide teachers strike. In that fight, Lewis and the union refocused a mainstream education reform conversation typically depicted as one between self-interested teachers unions and everyone else into a conversation about equity and children's educational rights in a constrained, anti-labor climate.
It's little coincidence that their showdown happened in Chicago, President Obama's hometown and a testing ground for the school-reform policies championed by Secretary of Education Arne Duncan and now executed by Rahm Emanuel. Among the most controversial of those policies has been school closures, which advocates argue disproportionately impact black and Latino students. Last year Emanuel shuttered 49 schools. Polls conducted by the Chicago Tribune in August show that voters have been siding with unions instead of Emanuel when it comes to handling schools.
Without Lewis in the race, Emanuel's lost his most formidable opponent, the Chicago Tribune reported this morning.
Tue, 10/14/2014 - 10:16
Tonight on PBS' "Finding your Roots with Henry Louis Gates Jr.," actress Khandi Alexander learns that her grandfather may've been killed by white coworkers in Jacksonville, Florida, in 1935. Neither her mother nor grandmother ever talked about her grandfather's, Joshua Masters,' death at age 25 while working at a rosin factory. "Maybe it was too painful," Alexander says, at first in a questioning voice. Then she's sure: "Maybe it was too painful."
Masters had worked as a factory distiller. It was a job normally reserved for white men whom Gates, after some investigation says, may have resented having a black boss.
Watch Alexander's reaction in the clip above and her full story during tonight's episode of "Finding your Roots with Henry Louis Gates Jr."
Tue, 10/14/2014 - 08:48
Alicia Garza calls Oakland home but is one of the many black organizers who've flocked to Ferguson, Missouri, in the aftermath of the police killing of 18-year-old Michael Brown. For Garza, who serves as special projects director at the National Domestic Workers Alliance, her presence in Ferguson gave her the opportunity to support local activists as they worked to build sustainable leadership. It was also a chance to put into action a saying that's become somewhat of a movement slogan in recent months: "Black Lives Matter."
The phrase, which began as a hashtag and grew into a national organizing project, started on Facebook. Garza was incensed in July of 2013 when George Zimmerman was acquitted of Trayvon Martin's murder and she started adding the hashtag #blacklivesmatter to her Facebook posts. Within days, she'd teamed up with other organizers, including Patrisse Cullors, executive director of the Coalition to End Police Violence in L.A. Jails, and Opal Tometi, who runs the Black Alliance for Just Immigration. They were determined to take their message offline and into the streets. On July 18, 2013, Collors posted the following message describing the early stages of the project:
#blacklivesmatter is a movement attempting to visiblize what it means to be black in this country. Provide hope and inspiration for collective action to build collective power to achieve collective transformation. rooted in grief and rage but pointed towards vision and dreams.
Since there has been more police and extrajudicial violence against black people--and more collective action to address it. By this summer, there had been enough dialogue and infrastructure-building to take the call for justice to Ferguson. In late August, hundreds of black organizers and activists from different fields traveled to the small city just outside of St. Louis as part of the Black Lives Matter Bus Tour. (Akiba Solomon, Colorlines' editorial director, attended and wrote about it.)
On November 15, in Dallas, you can catch Alicia Garza at Facing Race, the biennial conference held by Colorlines' publisher, Race Forward. In this interview with Colorlines, Garza talks about why she think it's crucial to centralize black people in her work.
Tell me about #blacklivesmatter. You're often credited with having started the hashtag, correct?
What prompted you start it and how has it grown?
What prompted me to have launched that project was really...we launched it right after George Zimmerman was acquitted of the murder of Trayvon Martin--
--When you say "we," who are you talking about?
Myself, working with Patrisse Cullers who's an organizer in Los Angeles and executive director of the Coalition to End Violence in L.A. County Jails. They've built an incredible network called Dignity and Power Now. And then the other person [who] really helped to build the project was Opal Tometi, the executive director of the Black Alliance for Just Immigration. So essentially, the hashtag was the result of both the anger and the frustration that not just black folks, but largely black people, were feeling around yet another person being acquitted of the murder of another person in our family.
#Blacklivesmatter was also inspired by the need to keep working for transformation. A lot of what we were seeing on Facebook and in our conversations was, "I knew they would never convict [Zimmerman]. He would never go to jail." For us, it wasn't actually about using the criminal justice system to solve our issues. For us, it's really about asking, "Do black lives matter in our society?" and what do we need to do to make that happen. We know that someone going to jail is not going to make black lives matter. What's going to make those lives matter is working hard for an end to state violence in black communities, knowing that that's going to benefit all communities.
Why did you decide to take it offline?
It started off as a hashtag that really picked up, and the three of us are organizers, fundamentally. We believe in the power of social media, but we also believe in connections between people that are face-to-face and in real time. It's important to take that hashtag off of social media and into the streets and transform that into organizing. What that looks like is us being able to name the impact that state violence has on our communities and broaden the conversation from "jail or not jail" to exploring the impact of state neglect on black communities. For example, the fact that we have half-a-million black immigrants living in this country, living in the shadows, who are undocumented, is a product of state violence. The fact that black queer and trans folks, folks along the gender spectrum, are being targeted for various forms of harassment, violence, and in some cases, elimination, is state violence.
What that's meant in terms of taking [#blacklivesmatter] from social media and into the streets was hosting national conversations around police and vigilante violence. We held a national dialogue around Ted Wafer, who was convicted of killing Renisha McBride. And we asked our folks to engage in a dialogue about what justice looks like in that situation. Does Ted Wafer going to a jail that is probably going to transform him in ways that are not human restore our communities when someone is taken by state or vigilante violence?
How did the bus tour happen?
We built connections between different people in different places. There's lots of black folks out there who do care and who do want to be involved. It's necessary to build real-time and tangible bonds between us. The fruit of that was the culmination of the Black Lives Matter ride to St. Louis to support our family here in Ferguson. What we were able to do, through the leadership of Patrisse, Darnell Moore, who's out of New York, and a whole team of other people, was organize in a [really] short time 600 black folks from all over the country who wanted to lend their skills, services and their love to black folks here in St. Louis.
We organized that in about 10 days. Patrisse took on a lot of leadership in terms of making sure that people had a way to get here and making sure that we were responding to the calls that were coming from Ferguson for medics, attorneys, healers, organizers and journalists. We were lucky enough to be able to come here once all the [national] media had left and be here with folks who were grappling with some big questions about what it means to build a sustainable organization and movement. We were able to do that with a crew of primarily black queer, trans and gender non-conforming folks, which was really, really powerful.
We're really excited to keep building, so part of what came out of that ride was making sure that we stay connected. One of the things that we're up to next is organizing a National Week of Resistance against state violence to coincide with the National Day Against Police Brutality on October 22.
There have been conversations that have been difficult but productive around other groups and communities adopting the language of "Black lives matter."Why is it important to centralize black people in your work?
It is really important that if we're going to achieve transformation in this country that we pay a lot of attention to the conditions of black people. Black folks here and across the world [are] canaries in the coal mine. Our conditions really speak to what the future can look like if we allow politics to continue as usual. It's also important to acknowledge that when we say "Black Lives Matter," we're not saying that all life doesn't matter. We're not saying that the lives of other communities of color and immigrants are unimportant. We're not interested in a narrow nationalist politic, and we're certainly not interested in an oppression Olympics.
We know that our struggles are intricately connected and we need each other to get free. The argument that we're making, however, is that black lives are central to everybody's freedom. Fighting for black liberation is also fighting for your liberation. One's not better than the other. But black lives are critical, so we need to pay attention to that, stand in solidarity with that and not change the conversation. One of the things that can happen when we lump all people together is that we really lose the complexity of the experiences that we have in this country. If we lose that complexity, we lose out on building sharp strategies that can include everybody.
Bonus: Read Garza's "Herstory of the #BlackLivesMatter Movement" at The Feminist Wire.*
Tue, 10/14/2014 - 08:34
For people who've watched the Roberts Court whittle away civil rights legislation over the last decade, the new Supreme Court term brings with it the likely possibility of more of the same. The High Court is set to consider Alabama's so-called "racial gerrymandering" and Texas' low-income housing practices this term. In the former, it has the opportunity to take further swipes at the Voting Rights Act, and in the latter, eviscerate the cornerstone enforcement provision of the Fair Housing Act. Civil rights watchers and fair housing advocates in particular are bracing for the worst.
Here's a racial justice primer on what to expect this term in these two key cases.
Texas Department of Housing and Community Affairs v. The Inclusive Communities Project concerns "disparate impact," a legal concept that's been wielded since the 1970s to fight housing and other kinds of institutionalized racial discrimination. The legal concept says that plaintiffs alleging housing discrimination do not need to know the motivations and intent of decision makers and institutions--like banks, housing authorities and municipalities--as long as they can show that their actions have a racially disparate impact that discriminates against people of color. In other words, it's a civil rights legislation for a post-Civil Rights Era, when blatant redlining no longer occurs, but banks still saw fit to steer wealthy blacks and Latinos toward subprime loans at more than double the rate they did similarly situated wealthy whites.
You won't actually find the words "disparate impact" anywhere in the text of the Fair Housing Act, but the concept, borrowed from Title VII of the Civil Rights Act, has been recognized with "unanimity" by the courts, says Rigel Oliveri, a professor at the University of Missouri School of Law. The Department of Justice used disparate impact to win its historic settlements against subprime lenders Wells Fargo and the now-defunct Countrywide in the wake of the housing crisis. Disparate impact is, unsurprisingly, not popular with banks and other business interests.
"Disparate impact doesn't mean you win your case," Oliveri says. "It just means you get your foot in the door and the burden of proof shifts to the other side to explain why they needed to pass a facially neutral law that ended up having a disparate, discriminatory impact on a group of people." And that reason better be non-racial and justifiable.
The particular case is the Supreme Court's third attempt in three years to hear such a challenge to disparate impact. Texas was approving developer tax credits for subsidized low-income housing in Dallas, low-income housing advocates allege, but predominantly in low-income neighborhoods concentrated with people of color while denying those tax credits for projects in whiter, more affluent neighborhoods. This kind of practice has aggravated racial segregation in the city, plaintiffs argued. Lower courts ruled that The Inclusive Communities Project, the low-income housing group, was able to prove discrimination via disparate impact. In its appeal, Texas isn't interested in rehashing the facts of the case and instead is seeking to cut off the disparate impact standard altogether.
The Supreme Court, which has seen fit to strike down school integration efforts in Seattle in 2007, gut the Voting Rights Act in Shelby County v. Holder, and clear the way for state affirmative action bans in Schuette v. Coalition to Defend Affirmative Action in 2013, is particularly hostile to the consideration of race, even if the policy in question is meant to protect people of color from disenfranchisement and discrimination. In Chief Justice John Roberts' famous words, "The way to stop discrimination on the basis of race is to stop discriminating on the basis of race." It's that positioning that has many civil rights and fair housing watchers anxious, says Oliveri.
On November 13, the Supreme Court will hear oral arguments in a case challenging Alabama's redistricting efforts in a pair of linked cases, Alabama Legislative Black Caucus v. Alabama and Alabama Democratic Conference v. Alabama. State Democrats and black lawmakers say that in 2012, the Republican-controlled state legislature redrew legislative maps to consolidate black voters into just a few districts, creating districts of super-majorities while diluting their voting power elsewhere. One newly redrawn House district went from 67 percent black to 76.8 percent black. Senate District 26 went from 72.75 percent black to 75.22 percent black, resulting in a "strangely shaped configuration that resembles a downward-facing sand fiddler crab," plaintiffs wrote in their brief.
Plaintiffs called the practice "racial gerrymandering," or in other words, an unconstitutional and unjustified use of race in redistricting that violates the Equal Protection Clause and the Voting Rights Act. Indeed, says Loyola Law School professor Justin Levitt, "The Voting Rights Act, as courts have interpreted it in the past, [with] the [now-invalidated] Section 5 and other sections, have required a lot more nuance." The question before the court is: Was the state "appropriately nuanced or inappropriately blunt in how it used race in the process?" says Levitt.
In 2012, a three-judge panel of Federal District Court judges ruled the plan did not deny black voters their right to participate in the political process, and was neither unconstitutional nor a violation of the Voting Rights Act--but with one key dissent. Judge Myron H. Thompson, who is African-American, pointed out "a cruel irony" to these cases. "Even as it was asking the Supreme Court to strike down" Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act "for failure to speak to current conditions," Thompson wrote in his dissent, "the State of Alabama was relying on racial quotas with absolutely no evidence that they had anything to do with current conditions, and seeking to justify those quotas with the very provision it was helping to render inert."
Consider this year's Alabama redistricting case "Shelby County, number two," says Victor Goode, a professor at the CUNY School of Law. Shelby County v. Holder, the Supreme Court's landmark ruling that invalidated the Voting Rights Act's pre-clearance formula, paved the way for voter suppression efforts and "has given rise to all these voter ID laws bouncing around the courts now," Goode says.
Justices Clarence Thomas and Antonin Scalia in particular "have been arguing all along that the Voting Rights Act is an anachronism of history," says Goode. "If they continue that same approach, they just might take another few bites out of the Voting Rights Act."
Tue, 10/14/2014 - 07:06
Here's what I'm reading up on this morning:
- Nina Pham is identified as the critical care nurse who's contracted Ebola in Dallas. She's one of 70 hospital staff members who cared for Thomas Eric Duncan.
- Obama is set to meet with "allies" in the war against IS (that includes Turkey, which isn't really an ally).
- North Korea's Kim Jong Un returns to public view.
- In South Korea, meanwhile, 20 million people's identities are hacked, prompting calls for an entirely new state ID system, which would run up a huge bill.
- What would marijuana legalization look like in Washington, D.C., where roughly half the population is black?
- McDonald's new propaganda video illustrates that there is no pink slime in their burgers.
- August is a $250 smart lock connected to your phone through an app. Not like hackers would ever want to figure out how to break into your house or anything.
- Iggy Azalea tops the American Music Awards nominations. Whatever. You can watch the BET Hip Hop Awards tonight.
- Wow. Volcanos on the moon seem to have erupted much more recently than first thought--maybe within the last 50 million years (estimates were in the billions before that).
Mon, 10/13/2014 - 07:11
Here's what I'm reading up on this morning:
- Happy Indigenous Peoples' Day!
- A nurse who treated Thomas Eric Duncan tests positive for Ebola. Oh, and we might have an Ebola vaccine had it not been for budget cuts.
- Evo Morales wins his third term in office as president of Bolivia.
- In Hong Kong pro-democracy demonstrators clash with protestors opposed to them.
- A high school in Sayerville, New Jersey, cancels football season after allegations that seven players sexually assaulted four of their teammates.
- The Nobel Prize for economics goes to Jean Tirole, probably best known for his work on the ways in which regulators can tame privatized industries.
- Are you ready for Google Doctor?
- Did you watch "The Walking Dead" last night? Here's a good recap.
- Misty Upham, last seen on the Muckelshoot reservation, has been missing for more than a week.
- Quagga mussels, an invasive species that helps other invasive species, well, invade habitats, may wreak havoc on Britain's ecology.
Sat, 10/11/2014 - 05:25
Every cinematographer's job rests on how they're able to manipulate light. For Bradford Young, a black Brooklyn-based cinematographer from Louisville, Kentucky, the task is especially important. "When you underexpose [dark brown skin tones], they pop and resonate and shine in a particular way that you're not going to see when a face is lit in a conventional way," he told me over the phone recently. "You're doing black folk a great disservice when you overexpose their skin."
Young's approach is currently on display in "Funk, God, Jazz and Medicine: Radical Black Brooklyn," an exhibition produced by the public art nonprofit Creative Time in conjunction with Weeksville Heritage Center. The four-part "walkable" exhibit explores the concept of black self-determination. Young's "Bynum Culter," an experimental film starring members of one of Brooklyn's oldest black churches, Bethel Tabernacle African Methodist Episcopal Church, is among the most powerful parts of the exhibition.
Young's feature film work has earned him plenty of fans: His cinematography in "Pariah," "Mother of George" and "Aint Them Bodies Saints" won him awards at the 2011 and 2013 Sundance Film Festival. The New York Times' Amanda Peterusich called his work on Ava DuVernay's "Middle of Nowhere" "a triumphant, signature moment." Colorlines spoke to Young about his installation and his approach to filmmaking in general.
Your "Funk, God, Jazz and Medicine" project features elderly members of one of Brooklyn's oldest black churches. Why was it important for you to tell this part of their story?
When I started doing my research on Weeksville, [one of America's first free black communities], I thought about the whole idea of the homesteader, the black settlement and black nationalism. At the core of all of those movements was spirituality. I grew up in the AME church, and I have my own feelings about the church, but I felt like [during the mid-19th century], the church wasn't just a place where folks went to ask God for favors. The church was an active participant in what I would call black subversive activity.
The Civil Rights Movement started out in the church, and the Black Panthers had a lot of their community initiatives come out of church basements. When you look at the Chitlin' Circuit, a lot of the musicians who weren't allowed to play in integrated facilities played at small black establishments in the community or some of them played in the church.
I thought setting my project in the church would allow me to explore not just its sacred nature, which is very important to me, but also the subversive, secular nature of it. One of the ways I thought I could connect to this subversive nature was to connect with elders because they have a much more subversive history. With [Bethel Tabernacle AME] in particular, if you've belonged to that church 50 years or more, you're called a Living Legend. That means you've got to New York in the 1940s or 1950s. ... I thought I could connect to them in the sense that people of their generation often left the South because they were tired of Jim Crow. But when they got to New York, they realized that it wasn't all that different. They had to put their elbows out in order to survive. I figured they would say they got a lot of strength from being an active participant in the church.
Scene from "Bynum Cutler"
The setting of the film is really, really powerful. Viewers are in this dilapidated church, which was housed in a school building. It's got a chilling effect. You talk about black nationalism and black Brooklyn of 50 years ago, and then you're in this space that's ravaged in a neighborhood that's gentrifying faster than any other in New York City. Tell me about the space. It's haunting.
I was interested in an exploration of black American ruins--black architectural ruins, especially, because they speak to how much America has divested from black people's interests. They show how hard it is, economically, for us to handle pieces of infrastructure just because we don't have the economic power. And then on the other hand, it just shows you how much our reality in America is laced with so much blight.
Why are you interested in black ruins?
If you walk into an older piece of black architecture, let's say a church or an old insurance building somewhere in America, you find these ruins. On one extreme, the ruins speak so much to how we just don't have the power to sustain ourselves, infrastructure-wise. The other extreme is that there aren't any ruins at all. You go to Auction Street in Memphis and the building where they sold black folks is gone. It's that mentality of forgiving and forgetting. Black folk are not part of that conversation.
We don't own the bulldozers to knock down the auction block houses, but it's done supposedly on our behalf because America is afraid to have a conversation about slavery and the Middle Passage. It hits on two extremes: Either we don't have any residue at all or the residue that we do have tells you about how disempowered we are.
I'm really fascinated by how you use light in your work. It's often dark and somber. What are you trying to convey about the experiences of black people through your use of light?
We're all sort of brainwashed on many levels, so part of the reason why I've always thought about lighting black folks in a particular way is because there are levels, right? I'm trying to decolonize my mind from all the images of black folks in American cinema that have bombarded me since I was a kid. All of these images since "Birth of a Nation" still sit with us because we haven't had an opportunity to change them. How many black films get made each year? You can't change the image of black folk when you only make five films each year that are at least trying to push back against that imagery.
I light some stuff unconsciously because I'm just fed up and tired and feel like things can be done better. It also goes back to the pedagogy I came out of Howard [University] with, which was: You gotta' do your people right. If not, we won't be here." But purely from an aesthetic perspective, some of it is just that it looks good.
[I] had a great opportunity to workshop those ideas because [on] the films I shot before I got to New York, I had 10 to 12 black folks in the room and I got to figure out what looked good. All of it has an intention. When I shot "Pawn Sacrifice," I was one of the only black people on set for like three months. We were shooting in Montreal and I hadn't seen another black person in months. The one day [a] brother showed up, I just lit the hell out of him. I was on a mission to show white folks how black folks can look really beautiful.
Exhibit-goers watch "Bynum Cutler"
"Funk, God, Jazz and Medicine: Black Radical Brooklyn" ends on October 12.
Fri, 10/10/2014 - 14:18
Not many people know the modern history in the video above. Head into the weekend with actor Jeremy Renner on "The Daily Show" discussing "Kill the Messenger,"the new film about the CIA's role in bringing crack-cocaine to urban America. The opening clip about which kids America cares about is particularly prescient given the Reagan, Bush and Clinton administrations' War on Drugs policies, in particular harsh sentencing for nonviolent drug offenders, of course.
But this week also saw St. Louis' third deadly police shooting of a young black man in two months. As Ferguson's Weekend of Resistance gets underway, a related selection of reads all in the vein of #BlackLivesMatter:
Faith leaders are among those most capable of bridging stark racial divides in St. Louis. Ahead of an interfaith dialogue this Sunday at St. Louis University's Chaifetz Arena, evangelical Christian and founding editor of Sojourners magazine, Jim Wallis, touched on the most segregated spaces in America in an interview with the St. Louis Post-Dispatch
...I think white Christians and white churches have to pay attention here. There shouldn't be some terribly different conversation going on in our white churches and black churches. So, this is a challenge to the white churches to pay attention, to listen to our brothers and sisters, to care as much about our brothers and sisters who are black, as much as we care about our own kids who are white.... [When] we divide along racial lines -- that's a denial of the Gospel.
"[A] path can be traced from slavery to the killing of Michael Brown," Sharifa Rhodes-Pitts writes in "The Worth of Black Men, From Slavery to Ferguson."
Just out today, ProPublica's analysis of 32 years of "[more than 12,000] killings by police shows outsize risk for young black males." Note: That number is a "minimum count" of police homicides as violence researchers have long complained that the FBI's database of police shootings "is terribly incomplete." Read ProPublica to learn how.
And ahead of the midterms (and in the long lead-up to 2016), labor leader Richard Trumka continues to speak up about racial justice. He talked about race and Mike Brown in St. Louis last month and today, in California, he discussed drawing down mass incarceration. On the state ballot this November will be Proposition 47, which reduces harsh penalties for simple drug possession from a felony to a misdemeanor.
Fri, 10/10/2014 - 14:10
I came of age in New York City overhearing older folks who'd lived through the crack era, ask a series of open-ended questions that began like this: "We didn't own no planes. How you think crack got here?" How, indeed. That's the subject of a new film opening tonight called "Kill The Messenger." Actor Jeremy Renner plays investigative journalist Gary Webb whose controversial 1996 three-part newspaper series opens like this:
For the better part of a decade, a San Francisco Bay Area drug ring sold tons of cocaine to the Crips and Bloods street gangs of Los Angeles and funneled millions in drug profits to a Latin American guerrilla army run by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, a Mercury New investigation has found.
The drug network opened the first pipeline between Colombia's cocaine cartels and the black neighborhoods of Los Angeles, a city now known as the "crack" capital of hte world. The cocaine that flooded in helped spark a crack explosion in urban America and provided the cash and connections needed for L.A.'s gangs to buy automatic weapons.
The series rocked the country. One 1997 article described it as, "the most talked-about piece of journalism in 1996 and arguably the most famous--some would say infamous--set of articles of the decade."
So what happened after? Three major newspapers--The New York Times, The Washington Post and The Los Angeles Times--some in collaboration with the CIA, The Intercept reports--set out to discredit Webb. They did. In December 2004, Webb, an award-winning investigative journalist and 49-year-old father of three who reportedly suffered bouts of clinical depression, took his own life.
"Kill the Messenger," largely viewed as a vindication of Gary Webb, opens nationwide tonight. It's sure to stir memories for familes displaced by civil war in Nicaragua and those in the U.S. who not only came of age under crack-cocaine but, who also sought to rebuild their communities in the decades after.
As for the truth of Webb's claims, from Nick Schou, author of the biography on which the movie is based, in The Intercept:
"I think it's fair to take a look at the story objectively and say that it could have been better edited, it could have been packaged better, it would have been less inflammatory. ... But these are all kind of minor things compared to the bigger picture, which is that he documented for the first time in the history of U.S. media how CIA complicity with Central American drug traffickers had actually impacted the sale of drugs north of the border in a very detailed, accurate story. And that's, I think, the take-away here."
Fri, 10/10/2014 - 09:09
In a video posted on the New York Times, an unnamed, white Brooklyn police officer appears to take a handful of money from a black man's pocket. The officer then appears to indiscriminately pepper-spray the man, Lamard Joye. When his sister, Lateefah Joye, asks the officer for his name, she too is pepper-sprayed.
According to the Times, Joye was hanging out with friends celebrating his birthday in Coney Island in the early hours of September 16. The NYPD says it received a call about a man with a gun. Officers arrived on the scene. What happens next and was caught on video is now the subject of investigations by the Brooklyn district attorney, the Internal Affairs Bureau and the Civilian Complaint Review Board.
Joye wasn't arrested--and he never got his money back. Joye's lawyer, Robert Marinelli, says what happened to the money remains a mystery:
Mr. Marinelli said he has submitted pay and bank records to the district attorney showing his client, who works in construction, had earned a few thousand dollars in early September and had withdrawn a couple of thousand dollars, intending to celebrate his birthday with his wife.
"I believe that this officer made an assumption that any money Mr. Joye possessed was obtained illegally and therefore he would not report the theft," Mr. Marinelli said. "This assumption was wrong. Mr. Joye is a hardworking taxpayer. An incident like this would never occur in a more affluent section of the city."
Fri, 10/10/2014 - 09:03
It's been just over a week since Aniya "Ballie" Parker, a 47-year-old transgender woman, was brutaly killed in East Hollywood. The Los Angeles City Council will announce on Friday during a press conference that police and community leaders are now offering a $50,000 reward for information leading to the arrest and conviction of those responsible for her death, according to KTLA.
Based on a surveillance footage of the murder from a nearby business, Parker was approached by a group of two to three suspects last Thursday at 2:30 a.m. The suspects are described as men in their 20s, and after what appears to be a brief alteraction, one suspect shoots Parker in the head as she tries to run away from the group. Parker was later pronounced dead at L.A. County-USC Medical Center.
Family and friends have launched a GoFundMe page to help raise money for Parker's funeral expenses, describing her as a woman with "a heart of gold."
Parker is the eighth transgender woman of color to be killed in the U.S. this year, and the second to die violently in Los Angeles since June.
Fri, 10/10/2014 - 08:35
Houston running back Arian Foster decided to make a statement before Thursday night's matchup against the Indianapolis Colts. During pre-game warm-ups, Foster wore a T-shirt that read "Stand Strong St. Louis" on the front and "RIP Mike Brown" on the back.October 9, 2014
Back of Foster's shirt reads "RIP Mike Brown" pic.twitter.com/HGJtUY2Vjw-- Brian T. Smith (@ChronBrianSmith) October 9, 2014
It was one of the few on-field statements made by NFL players in the aftermath of Brown's killing and protests in Ferguson. During the NFL's pre-season, members of Washington, D.C.'s NFL team made the "hands up" gesture that's become synonymous with protests in the St. Louis suburb.August 19, 2014
Fri, 10/10/2014 - 07:12
Here's what I'm reading up on:
- The Nobel Peace Prize goes to Malala Yousafzai and Kailash Satyarthi.
- North Korea's Kim Jong Un misses a major state celebration, fueling rumors that he's gravely ill.
- Mexican officials announce the capture of drug lord Vicente Carrillo Fuentes, better known as El Capo.
- Airport screening for Ebola in the U.S. would likely stand a legal challenge.
- St. Louis sees the second night of protests following the shooting and killing of another black teen.
- Clark County, Nevada, begins issuing marriage licenses to same-sex couples and Las Vegas chapels fill up with couples waiting to tie the knot.
- Microsoft CEO Satya Nadella says he was wrong about, yet fails to apologize for, a statement that women in tech shouldn't ask for raises because of karma.
- George Clooney makes a surprise appearance at New York Comic Con.
- Stem cells could provide a cure for Type 1 diabetes.
Thu, 10/09/2014 - 18:50
White men run the country. Little surprise there.
But what exactly is the demographic breakdowns of elected office holders? On Wednesday, Who Leads Us, a network of the Women* Donor Network, the New Organizing Institute, TargetSmart and Rutgers University's Center for Women and Politics, shared the statistics. Who Leads Us analyzed data of 42,000 elected officials from the county level all the way on up to the president.
Their findings may not surprise you, but they're certainly sobering to see in infographic form.
For more, including their methodology and raw data, visit wholeads.us.
*Post has been updated since publication to reflect that the proper name for one organization mentioned is "Women Donor Network," not "Womens Donor Network.
Thu, 10/09/2014 - 14:10
What's known for sure about last night's deadly shooting in south St. Louis is that an off-duty white police officer shot and killed an 18-year-old black man, discharging his weapon 17 times. Nearly every other major detail is unknown or in dispute. They include: why the young man, identified by the Post-Dispatch as VonDerrit Myers Jr. provoked the officer's suspicion in the first place and whether as police say, Myers was armed with a gun--or a sandwich from the corner store, as some residents say. The wall between police and St. Louis' black communities appears to be hardening.
Separately, out on the streets with the region's young people until about 3 o'clock in the morning were two of St. Louis' community leaders, Derek Laney of Missourians Organizing for Reform & Empowerment (MORE) and Rev. Starsky Wilson, pastor of Saint John's Church. Both men shared their immediate impressions with Colorlines this morning. They were understandably weary. It's been two long months of respectively organizing and pastoring to youth who are hurt, angry and mobilized in the wake of Michael Brown's murder this August.
"No, this is not another Mike Brown," Rev. Wilson tells me on the phone. "There's not another John Crawford. There's not another Kajieme Powell. These are all individual lives that matter, with unique lives and circumstance. So I want to push back on that [notion] a bit."
"What I will say," Wilson continues, "is that these lives add up. These young black lives are adding up in ways that're stirring consternation and remarkable anger in the hearts of young people who see their own lives in jeopardy.
"What I saw last night, I think there's more pain and more passion now than there was on Aug 10, the day after Mike Brown. And I think there is more fear and willingness to fight now than there was then, even for people who were [in Shaw] last night who also saw Mike Brown laying on ground [in Ferguson]."
Laney, one of the principal organizers behind this coming weekend's Ferguson October, is admittedly tired, sad and angry this morning. He begins by acknowledging that not all the facts are in and notes in particular the deep conflict between official police accounts and what residents told him last night. What worries him after last night is that some people may become violent.
"People are already on edge, angry and fed up with this absolute disrespect and disregard for black life. Some of those people, I fear, may consider using violent means to express [themselves]. And as a result of that choice, it's just going to be more black lives lost--because they're not going to outgun the police."
"My prayer and hope is that cooler heads will prevail and justice will prevail in the case of Brown, Powell and this young man. The police must take responsibility for the use of lethal force and not just close ranks when they're having such disproportionate impact on one community. They're killing our children.
Both Wilson and Laney say that St. Louis police showed remarkable restraint with last night's crowd. "They didn't take that militaristic, antagonizing stance that they did in Ferguson," Laney says. "That can be called progress. When you start to treat people who're protesting like human beings, that's not kudos. That's the very basic thing that we should expect from them."
Read the Post-Dispatch for the latest developments in this quickly moving story.
Thu, 10/09/2014 - 13:53
Many domestic workers in the United States are fighting to be paid for time worked. That's about as basic as it gets for any employee. This Tuesday, according to The New York Times, the labor department delayed a rule change that would have allowed domestic workers to report employers who do not pay a minimum wage or overtime. Although this particular exclusion dates to the early 70s, rules specifically excluding domestic workers--mainly Latinas and immigrants--from minimum labor protections date back to Jim Crow. In The Case For Reparations, writer Ta-Nehisi Coates earlier this year chronicled a century of theft from black workers while federal programs expanded the white middle class. That included black women domestics:
The omnibus [New Deal] programs passed under the Social Security Act in 1935 were crafted in such a way as to protect the southern way of life. Old-age insurance (Social Security proper) and unemployment insurance excluded farmworkers and domestics--jobs heavily occupied by blacks. When President Roosevelt signed Social Security into law in 1935, 65 percent of African Americans nationally and between 70 and 80 percent in the South were ineligible. The NAACP protested, calling the new American safety net "a sieve with holes just big enough for the majority of Negroes to fall through."
Thu, 10/09/2014 - 12:50
In his first feature-length documentary, Sterlin Harjo explores early American songs in what's now the United States. The film, titled "This May be the Last Time," premiered at the Sundance Film Festival and will be available on VOD and DVD. November 11.
Harjo's grandfather disappeared in Oklahoma in 1962, and Harjo set out to find out what happened to him. Seminoles supported him in his search along the way, singing songs that turned out to be from Scottish missionaries, enslaved black people and Natives. The resulting documentary casts new light on what we think about early American music.
Indiewire posted a trailer:
Thu, 10/09/2014 - 10:42
In the latest public discussion as part of her scholar-in-residence series at The New School, bell hooks talked with Cornel West about what it means to be what she called a "dissident intellectual." At about the 46:11 mark, West says, "When I called [Obama] a black puppet of Wall Street oligarchs, they didn't accent 'Wall Street oligarchs,' they just talked about the puppetry."
Work We <3 | FDP
Instead of spending all our time calling out journalism that doesn't work, we want to find work we like. We'd like to encourage our readers to submit links to content that is moving or challenging and that goes beyond the standard narrative either at the level of form or content. In other words, we want to see journalism that works.
We're particularly interested in work at the nexus of the following categories:
- Please include a comment explaining why the content you're sharing works.
- Comments can be as short or long as desired.
Find us on Facebook
Dori Maynard tweets on Diversity, Media & More
@JamilSmith The distorted #media depiction of African American men & boys has real life consequences, again. #mediadiversity #Tremaine