Colorlines - 4 hours 51 min ago
Lazy. Poor-decision makers. Welfare-grabbing baby-makers. Irresponsible. Those are only a few of the character deficiencies single parents tick off when asked how society views them. Single parents, specifically single moms of color, are framed as a social problem. It's an old and resurgent narrative. Take for example, the recent uptick among legislators, pundits and scholars in framing "single mom households" as the main cause of poverty and stagnant intergenerational mobility. One side blames single moms, the other goes to great lengths to disprove this theory sold as indisputable fact. Both use social science data to "prove" their positions. So what's real? And more important, how do we turn the corner from this boxed-in, blaming narrative to one that attends to the needs of all of America's children, regardless of the family structures in which they live? -- Women of color, according to a new national survey that appears to have flown under the radar, have a suggestion.
In a nationally representative and bipartisan survey of 3,500 women, an overwhelming majority of women of color agreed that the government and the workplace should adapt to contemporary family structures--not the other way around. Nearly 90 percent of African-American women and 80 percent of Latinas surveyed want policies to, "adapt to the reality of single-parent families" at all income levels. Black women and Latinas, the January report concludes, are a powerful voice for all of America's families.
Most children under the age of 18 in the United States (65 percent) still live in households with married parents. But roughly 25 million children (34 percent) live in single-parent households--10 million of which are headed by single mothers, with another 2 million headed by single dads--and that figure looks to increase. A disproportionate number of black children (nearly 70 percent) are being raised in single-parent families. But the greatest growth in numbers of children living in single-parent families over the past few years has occurred among Latinos and fathers. And while only 9 percent of married couples have children living in poverty, a much higher share of single parent households (37 percent) are poor.
In order to find out what a society responsive to single parent families looked like, I talked to a few single parents at various income levels and backgrounds. Many had answers at the quick, like increasing the federal poverty line, weeding out fraud in government programs and ending policies that appear, by design, to break up families. And others just weren't sure. They found it difficult to envision another world.
Increasing the federal poverty scale or at the very least, extending low or no cost quality child care to families within striking distance of the cut-off--$20,000 for a family of three, per current guidelines--topped the list among single parents and their advocates.
Kimberly Armstrong, 45, is a Baltimore homeowner. When her younger son, Eric, was 12 she was a bus driver working split shifts. The hours were steady but the four-hour shifts were erratic. With no set schedule, it was almost impossible to spend quality time with her boys and she worried constantly about her younger son getting into trouble.
"I went to the department of social services here in Baltimore to get help," she says, to help her afford an after-school or mentoring program. "A lady came out into the waiting room and said, 'if you make this amount then you qualify for assistance and if you don't, you don't qualify.' I can tell you that of about 15 women in there, four or five of us had to get up and leave. And at the time I was only making about $30,000 a year."
Armstrong raised her three children, first, two boys and later on a girl who is now 15, as a single mom. She lost Eric to street violence when he was 16. The federal poverty line perplexes her.
"If I'm out here going to work every day making a bit above the average income, why not help those people who're trying to help themselves?"
How the federal poverty guidelines are calculated hasn't changed much since 1969. Describing the fundamental ways in which the country and basic needs have changed since then, one researcher says in a 2013 Moyers report, "[We're] measuring what it means to be poor today in what are essentially early 1960s terms."
A federal employee for 20 years, Cassaundra Spann, 44, understands Anderson's request. Her job offers flextime so affordable and quality childcare was the only request on her wish list. While watching her 10-year-old son's basketball practice from the bleachers in a New Jersey gym, she vividly recalls the burden of $900-a-month childcare for four years, beginning when he turned 2.
"I couldn't wait until it was over," she says, "but I knew it was important for him to be in that early childhood environment and I see now, how it's paid off. But I struggled."
For Brooklyn-born and -raised Carmen Tirado, ensuring fair distribution of below-poverty line services to those in need, tops the list. The 23-year-old takes an adult literacy class in order to, "better myself and my children's opportunities." It's almost 8 p.m. and Tirado is intermittently calming and ordering her three small boys to bed.
"A lot of single moms don't get help from the government," she says. "And there're a handful of people that take advantage, which makes it bad for the ones who actually need the assistance. I know a mom who has three kids like me but she was denied public assistance. And I know someone who gets public assistance but who goes and changes the food stamps into money instead of using it for food. It's not fair," Tirado says.
And for Delaware mom, Chandra Pitts, ending government policies that purposely break up families of color tops a ready shortlist. Pitts is the single mom of a 16-year-old son in private school. She also is the founder and executive director of One Village Alliance, a community and youth development non-profit that also runs the largest fatherhood program in the state. Between mass incarceration and housing policies, so many low-income families don't stand a chance at staying together, she says.
"In HUD housing complexes if there's a male in the home, a single mother may not be qualified to live there. And if it's a two-parent home, there's just not as much support." By penalizing the presence of any male, she says, these policies are producing single parent households.
But the single biggest intervention with outsized impact on children and family structure, Pitts says, would be to end mass incarceration.
"Simply, stop removing men from their communities," Pitts says. Single mothers head nearly 60 percent of Wilmington's households. The second-smallest state in the union also has one of the highest incarceration rates in the entire country.
Change mandatory minimum laws for nonviolent offenders, she says, and lessen penalties for men re-entering their communities.
"Re-entry would make a huge difference," Pitts says. "Men leaving prison here can't get a driver's license, which then affects their ability not just to get a job but to get to it. It's impossible to do almost anything even if the record is from 30 years ago."
Along with the above broad changes, Tirado has a "start here," suggestion for pundits, legislators and policy makers, too: Be clear about who a single parent is and what it means.
"Just because you're a single-parent household doesn't actually mean that the other parent isn't helping out or isn't there for his children," Tirado says. "So there needs to be a distinction between single parents raising children completely on their own and those raising children with financial or emotional assistance from the father."
Catching up on what Tirado has long observed and lived in her Brooklyn neighborhood, the CDC recently released a report looking at fathers' involvement in the lives of their children. It documents that black fathers living outside the home were more involved--from doing homework to shuttling kids to activities--than white and Latino fathers.
Cassaundra Spann even takes issue with separating out single parents from married parents. "Don't we all do the same thing?" she asks. Others refer to her as a single mom, she says, but she never uses the phrase to describe herself. She thinks of herself only as a parent who cares and sacrifices for her 10-year-old son like any other parent.
Which comes back to the stigma still surrounding single parenting and corrodes policy discussions around it. From the point of view of Neil Pollicino, a long time program coordinator at the 40-year-old Single Parent Resource Center in New York City, single parenting is no character deficiency. In his work, it's an experience--and it's one that at least one spouse in marriages often takes on. Responding to demand, the SPRC evolved over the years to work with single spouses in married relationships, too.
"Living in a mobile modern society, where people now move many times before settling on a community and jobs mean traveling away from home, to some extent all parents are being forced to experience single parenting at some point or another," Pollicino says. "The traditional role of the Huxtable family doesn't necessarily exist anymore."
Colorlines - 13 hours 15 min ago
Southern pews and pulpits weren't the only source of people power during the long civil rights movement. So, too, were cooperative economic enterprises. These worker or consumer-owned alternatives to U.S. capitalism helped train and produce civil rights leaders from A. Philip Randolph to Ella Baker and Fannie Lou Hamer to sitting congressman John Lewis (D-Ga.). That historical link, between the civil rights fight and alternative economic self-help, is just one of the surprising nuggets unearthed by economist and community economic development expert Jessica Gordon Nembhard in her book out this May, "Collective Courage: A History of African-American Cooperative Economic Thought and Practice." Gordon Nembhard is a professor in Africana Studies at John Jay College in New York City. Very often the history of cooperative enterprise is the unwritten and undervalued story of marginalized people. She's already writing her next three books in her head and as with this one, invites everyone now learning about co-ops for the first time to hit her up if they suddenly realize, "Ohhhh! So that's what my grandmother was doing with the other women in the community."
First, what is cooperative economics and how early does this practice begin among African-Americans?
As early as the mid-1700s. I actually start the book with a mutual aid society in Philadelphia that came together to help members bury their dead. Mutual aid societies were formed by people who couldn't afford to do something important in life like bury their dead or take care of their sick. So each member would put in money, say $1 a year, and pool their resources so that they could bury their loved ones or, in another case, hire a nurse for a town that doesn't have one.
Cooperatives take many forms, from housing co-ops to consumer-owned groceries to worker-owned pig farming. There is no individual ownership. Rather, everyone is in it together and owns together. There're usually rules about how the money can be used and all members participate in regular study groups. That fosters democratic participation both in the co-op and the community. [And by the way,] those same people who formed that burial society later went on to found the African Methodist Episcopal church.
Many people are familiar with "Black Wall Street," often used to describe Tulsa, Okla. or other thriving early 20th century towns. Were there co-ops in those towns, too?
Yes. In fact, some of them were actually practicing cooperative economics rather than capitalism. In one Miss. town, they organized a pig farmers co-op*, for example. And even in Tulsa with its individually-owned businesses there was still some level of unofficial economic cooperation. For example, everyone patronized the black-owned grocery store or bank so that sense of solidarity carried over.
Another example comes from W.E.B. DuBois who, all his life advocated for the cooperative model. He describes as a co-op in his 1907 book on the subject, one business founded just after the Civil War by members of the black middle-class in Baltimore. They had gotten together and bought a shipyard because the white shipyards would not employ black workers.
Let's talk about that civil rights link. Why isn't it more widely known?
I've been wondering about that, too. And in fact one of the things I found is that there's more of a connection between black cooperatives and civil rights than there is between black cooperatives and capitalism. I think there're a couple of reasons. In the U.S. co-ops are often linked with hippies, communism or socialism and back in the 1950s, just after the McCarthy era, black leaders knew they couldn't talk about either and be listened to. So there was an official avoidance of the subject of co-ops. Second, there was a lot of resistance from capitalists. White unions in the late 1800s were being sabotaged and certainly blacks got the same resistance as well because co-ops gave them more economic control and power. So by necessity, even if you were involved in co-ops it had to be as clandestine as possible. And third, people, including many blacks, just wouldn't accept civil rights if it included language about economic rights. I once heard Andrew Young give a talk at the Federation of Southern Cooperatives and he said that in the '60s, they deliberately decided not to talk about economic co-ops or economic justice but to focus on political and voting rights. It was too dangerous to talk about the former.
What're the lessons of this newly rediscovered history for any disenfranchised group today?
I started this research 15 years ago because I was interested in community economic development strategies, especially for marginalized groups and women--not necessarily because I wanted only to focus on African-Americans. I thought I'd spend a couple of years looking at the history of blacks and move on to Native American examples or Latinos. I got stuck, I was discovering so much information! But in the African-American example, too, people today can see how a group so denigrated economically and politically and left out of the system, came together. They pooled meager resources, doubled or in some cases tripled their influence, shared both the risk and the profits and gave each other a voice and a chance to get ahead.
I also found that even if the co-op failed after a few years, there were multiple spillover effects on both individuals and the communities. All members have to learn the business, how to read the books, develop skills in accounting, in the industry, in democratic participation, social networking. In short, leadership gets developed. People went on to do better and more things like run for political office or start or run other organizations. That can happen for any group of marginalized people.
What's next? Sounds like there's more to be discovered.
One of the upcoming book projects I'm excited about is an anthology looking at how various subaltern groups have used co-ops. So we'll be looking at the First Nations in Canada, Asians in Vancouver, some more on Native-Americans in the U.S., as well as Puerto Rico, too, which has a thriving co-op sector. I would love to hear from people who can offer examples of economic cooperation in their communities, even if it isn't exactly a co-op. I've been speaking about co-ops for eight years and so many people come up to me after. One woman, her mom was involved in the Ladies Auxiliary of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters. She actually sent me some materials and pictures. I've had people all over the country volunteer to do archival research for me. In the end I'm trying to understand the impact and effect on marginalized groups, of owning and running their own businesses and, measure that impact in quantifiable ways. I'm just trying to find as many examples as possible!
* This post has been updated from the original
Colorlines - 18 hours 40 min ago
Some 150 people who have been deported from the United States are set to return over the next few days via the Otay Mesa post of entry between Tijuana, Mex., and San Diego, Calif. Organized by the National Immigrant Youth Alliance, the crossers will split into two groups: Dreamers will cross today, and families (including children) will cross sometime this week. The group has pulled off largely successful similar actions in the past. This third crossing is being called Bring Them Home 3.
Colorlines - 18 hours 56 min ago
Joan Morgan, author the hip-hop feminist bible, "When Chickenheads Come Home to Roost," sits down with Rutgers University professor and Crunk Feminist Collective co-founder, Brittney Cooper. The early February talk was the closing keynote of The Ohio State University's annual Hip Hop Literacies conference.
(h/t For Harriet)
New America Media - Mon, 03/10/2014 - 23:50
Photo: Jurij, 25-year-old economist, was wounded on Feb. 20 in protests in Kiev, Ukraine. (Jan Langer/Czech TV)Editor's note: The Czech Republic has evacuated dozens of Ukrainians wounded in clashes in Kiev, Urkaine in February and March. After violent protests around... Zdenek Kratochvil http://publisher.namx.org/mt-cp.cgi?__mode=view&blog_id=19&id=103
New America Media - Mon, 03/10/2014 - 23:15
What has been most astonishing about the disappearance of Malaysian Airlines Flight MH370 are the images that have come out of that tragedy. Or rather the images that have not come out of it.In an age when mobile phones with... Sandip Roy http://publisher.namx.org/mt-cp.cgi?__mode=view&blog_id=19&id=54
Colorlines - Mon, 03/10/2014 - 23:03
Domestic violence, poverty, substance abuse, unemployment, and what some experts describe as "pervasive despair" mark the lives of many young Native people living on reservations, which many say leads to higher suicide rates among these youth. A recent report from the Washington Post tells the chilling stories of places like Gila River Indian reservation--where eight young people ended their lives in just one year, and Spirit Lake Nation--where a 14-year-old killed herself after laying in bed for three months following her father's and sister's suicides.
Native youth are more than three times more likely to commit suicide (a number that increases to more than 10 times on some reservations), and have post traumatic stress symptoms on par with Iraq War veterans. Experts say in addition to these factors, a "trail of broken promises" adds to a feeling of hopelessness, as do the experiences many youth have in public schools off the reservation, where they often face abuse, bullying, and sexual violence. But advocates also point to changes in some Native American cultures, once extremely protective of youth, that have diminished as tribes are pressured to assimilate.
Sadly, this is not a new phenomenon, and Native youth suicide rates appear to be holding steady. Institutions such as the Aspen Institute Center for Native American Youth and the recently formed DOJ American Indian and Alaska Native (AIAN) Children Exposed to Violence task force are both working to address the suicide crisis in this community, though the federal task force has yet to share findings or provide recommendations for helping Native communities cope with these tragedies and prevent future suicides.
(h/t Washington Post)
Colorlines - Mon, 03/10/2014 - 22:58
College campuses are rife with incidents of racial ignorance, and even plain old racism. Sadly, none of that is new. But in this post-affirmative action era, when colleges' ability to consider race in their admissions policies is only becoming more constrained, higher education is also becoming increasingly racially stratifed. Black, Latino and Asian-American students depend heavily on community colleges and the for-profit college system, but black and Latino students in particular are underrepresented among the nation's elite universities. It all makes for deeply racially isolated college climates. In recent months students from University of Michigan, UCLA and Harvard have launched social media-driven public conversations--#BBUM (Being Black at University of Michigan), UCLA Law School students' YouTube video, and Harvard's #itooamharvard Tumblr campaign--raising all of these issues.
Today at 4pm PT/7pm ET, join Colorlines, students from all three campuses, and the folks from Dear White People for a Google+ Hangout to discuss race in higher education and how social media's stepped up the public conversation about all of it. Just click the play button in the YouTube embed above at 4pm PT/7pm ET to join us.
Colorlines - Mon, 03/10/2014 - 22:38
With the announcement of the My Brother's Keeper initiative last week, President Obama unveiled his first effort explicitly aimed at the social and economic dimensions of racial injustice after nearly five years in office. Its focus on improving the life chances of men of color is welcome and badly needed. But there's an open question as to whether My Brother's Keeper is structured in a way that can make any difference.
The truth is that given the limited goals of My Brothers Keeper it may be too unambitious for the task required. That's because nearly half of black and Latino men in communities across the country are without work. The level of incarceration for black and Latino men is higher than the incarceration rate in many authoritarian regimes around the world with black and Latino men up to six times more likely to be jailed than whites. College completion levels for these men is the lowest of any other group in America.
But the way that My Brothers Keeper is set up makes it appear that we are at the beginning of a crisis rather than in the desperate throes of one. Its two main objectives--the generation of another study on the challenges facing men of color and the coordination of $200 million in private philanthropy in pilot programs in communities across the country over five years--underscore the point.
The reality is that the economic, educational and criminal justice disparities faced by black and Latino men have been studied exhaustively for the past 50 years. All the while the situation has worsened. That's because the issues facing men of color are systemic rather than individual, and systemic problems require widespread remedy.
To that end here are four actions that President Obama can champion right now that we know can a big difference in the lives of black and Latino men.
1. Make Work Pay for Single Men.
Given the fact that black and Latino men are disproportionately employed in lower wage, hourly-jobs, too many work but can't earn enough to live. That's why there's something called the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) that's designed to ensure that low-wage workers can make ends meet . Through an average lump-some payment of more than $2,000 each year it provides working poor families with the critical help they need to stay afloat. That's how it manages to keep 10 million people out of poverty, half of them children.
The difficulty is that the EITC is currently designed for parents. According to the White House a single-person earning minimum wage is eligible for up to only $25 (PDF) a year in EITC help. This puts single men at an immediate disadvantage and it needs to be changed.
In a positive step this week, President Obama announced an expansion for singles, but it would require congressional action. In the meantime, the White House could also explore ways to begin to unilaterally enlarge and retool the program while it waits for Congress.
2. Break the School to Prison Pipeline.
Disproportionate school discipline is a key driver for both high levels of unemployment and incarceration for black and Latino men. As I've written before, students who are suspended are up to five times less likely to graduate. Each year the Department of Education collects detailed information about racial disparities in school discipline. This existing data could be used by the government to mandate that each of the thousands of schools who receive federal education funds create an action plan and a timetable to eliminate racial disparities in school discipline.
3. Transform Prisons Into Education Centers.
Six out of ten of the 2.3 million people behind bars are men of color. The lack of education is an important reason for why they're in the criminal justice system. According to the National Education Association, eight of 10 of those behind bars did not finish high school.
The link between educational attainment and prison is why New York Governor Andrew Cuomo, has proposed a program to fund associate and bachelor degrees in New York's prisons. The governor points out that it costs $60,000 to incarcerate someone but only $5,000 a year to educate each prisoner all while "giving a real shot at a second lease on life."
Those who earn degrees in prison are less likely to come back. A study by the Rand Corporation shows that those leave prison with a high school degree are 30 percent less likely to return and those with a college degree are up half as likely end up in the criminal justice system.
A call by President Obama for a similar effort on a national scale could make a big difference. And given the fact that he runs all of the federal government's prisons, Obama could begin laying the groundwork for that to happen.
4. Focus Job Training Programs on Men of Color.
Another way to help remedy the job skills gap fueled by incarceration and educational barriers is to focus existing job training programs on black and Latino men. Currently the federal government spends $18 billion a year on job training programs.
As a report by Congress' General Accounting Office details, many of the nearly 50 job training initiatives are scattered across nine governmental departments with most of their money sent to the states in the form of grants to fund uncoordinated efforts (PDF) at the local level.
One way to better organize these patchwork programs is to target them on those who need help the most. Some, such as those that concentrate on the disabled and Native Americans already do that. But President Obama could issue an executive order asking that priority be given to efforts that are directed at men of color.
These are but a few of the ideas of ways in which we can help black and Latino men right now in a big way. Others include dramatically expanding federal national service programs such as AmeriCorps which gives volunteers a stipend and future educational assistance to serve in country's hardest-hit communities; ramping up school-to-work apprenticeships to ensure that when students leave high school they land good-paying jobs and opening housing, educational and health benefits far more widely to single men.
The bottom line is that we don't need to wait five years-- a time beyond President Obama's term in office--to take dramatic action for those most at risk in America. The good news is that there's no reason to do so.
New America Media - Mon, 03/10/2014 - 22:36
Civil rights leaders are disappointed by the U.S. Senate's failure to confirm Debo Adegbile, President Obama's pick for assistant attorney general for civil rights.The Senate blocked Adegbile's confirmation, 52-47, on Wednesday with the help of a few Democratic senators.Adegbile's work... Washington Informer http://publisher.namx.org/mt-cp.cgi?__mode=view&blog_id=19&id=103
Colorlines - Mon, 03/10/2014 - 21:46
Conservative pundit Ann Coulter is never one to mince words, but in her recent debate with journalist Mickey Kaus at the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) she expressed some shocking attitudes about immigrants and immigration reform. She began by suggesting that Democrats only support immigration reform because they're looking to increase their voter base, and criticized both Democrats and Republicans for endorsing so-called "amnesty." But she also shared some disturbing views on shaming and "the poor."
There's an overwhelming cultural sense, a political correctness, to end shaming. Shaming is good. It's almost a cruel and insensitive thing for the upper classes, the educated, the college graduates, to refuse to tell poor people 'keep your knees together before you get married.'
She went on to suggest immigrants should be shamed for "running across the border illegally," and said the notion of families getting torn apart by immigration policies is a myth perpetuated by liberals and the media, because most undocumented immigrants are young men (who come into the country illegally in the backs of trucks marked "pico de gallo"). Coulter ended the conversation with a zinger.
Immigration is forever, it is game over when that happens. Amnesty is forever. You gotta vote for the Republicans one more time, and just make it clear that if you pass amnesty that's it, it's over. And then we organize the death squads for the people that wrecked America.
Considering the climate around immigration reform, the hardships caused by record numbers of deportations under President Obama, and the most recent polls suggesting voters across political parties favor immigration reform, Coulters comments come across as narrow-minded, cruel, and disconnected from the tough realities immigrants face.
Colorlines - Mon, 03/10/2014 - 21:45
On Friday the Border Patrol released guidelines to officers outlining when the use of deadly force is permissable. The guidelines come after intense advocacy from immigrant and human rights activists in the wake of multiple deadly Border Patrol shootings aimed at people who were allegedly throwing rocks at officers.
Border Patrol Chief Michael Fisher wrote that the officers' "level of force applied must reflect the totality of the circumstances surrounding each situation." Fisher advised officers to stop shooting at moving vehicles and rock throwers, that is, unless officers believe that the "subject of such force poses and imminent danger of death or serious injury." According to Fisher, Border Patrol officers have killed 10 people since 2010 after rock-throwing incidents after 1,713 incidents of rock-throwing.
The memo "leaves much to be desired," ACLU policy counsel Chris Rickerd told the AP. "It is largely a restatement of existing policy, which is a shame because clearly existing policy isn't working," Rickerd said.
Read the Border Patrol memo (PDF).
Colorlines - Mon, 03/10/2014 - 18:39
Stereotypical representations of Arab-Americans as hyper-religious or terrorists are all too common, and one Detroit filmmaker hopes to challenge these notions in a new romantic comedy. "Detroit Unleaded" tells the story of two young Arab-Americans, Sami and Najila, falling in love and balancing culture, romance, and everyday life in Detroit. Lebanese filmmaker Rola Nashef originally produced the film as a short, and was encouraged by local community members to create a full-length version.
In a recent Q&A with Truthout, Nashef describes the challenges of dating within Arab-American communities, racial tensions among different groups in Detroit, and what inspired the film.
I wanted to present a story that was told through an Arab-American dynamic instead of explaining Arab-American culture. It was my goal to create complex characters on both sides of the glass, seen through an Arab-American perspective. If I can get an audience member to identify with Sami, who is trapped in a job that he doesn't like - and just happens to be Arab - that audience member is bonding with a person that they have been told is their enemy.
I think it is important to balance our image with more universal experiences. Who hasn't lied to sneak out of the house to see their crush or been stuck in a job they don't like?
New America Media - Mon, 03/10/2014 - 18:35
Photo: Zendesk launched Link-SF, a database of resouces for homeless and low-income residents accessible from mobile devices, at a press event last week. Featured from left to right: SF Mayor Ed Lee, St. Anthony Foundation Executive Director Barry Stenger, and... Mark Hedin http://publisher.namx.org/mt-cp.cgi?__mode=view&blog_id=19&id=103
New America Media - Mon, 03/10/2014 - 18:35
Photo: Young Taek Lim is 75, one of more than 4,000 seniors 65 and older in the Tenderloin. He sleep on a fold-up mattress in the living room of the one-bedroom apartment he shares. He applied for public housing 10... Aruna Lee http://publisher.namx.org/mt-cp.cgi?__mode=view&blog_id=19&id=103
New America Media - Mon, 03/10/2014 - 18:30
Editor's note: This is part of a special report by New America Media and Central City Extra, "Old and Poor in Tech City," focusing on the effects of the tech boom on low-income elders in San Francisco’s central city. It... Geoff Link http://publisher.namx.org/mt-cp.cgi?__mode=view&blog_id=19&id=103
New America Media - Mon, 03/10/2014 - 10:15
Pictured above: Salma is intersex, from Iraq, and worked with the U.S. military as an interpreter there. After fleeing violence and threats in Iraq, she now lives in San Francisco with a volunteer host family. Photo courtesy of Salma.... Monica Campbell http://publisher.namx.org/mt-cp.cgi?__mode=view&blog_id=19&id=103
New America Media - Mon, 03/10/2014 - 02:45
Photo: Jose Mendez, 64, had a bad accident on the job 10 years ago and can no longer work. He now lives on a fixed income below the federal poverty level. (Paul Dunn/Central City Extra). See more in our Special... Ngoc Nguyen http://publisher.namx.org/mt-cp.cgi?__mode=view&blog_id=19&id=103
New America Media - Mon, 03/10/2014 - 02:40
SAN FRANCISCO--San Francisco is gaining national attention for its tech boom—its post-recession economic recovery as technology firms like Twitter and Microsoft’s Yammer move into the Central City area. But the district’s rising tide of prosperity and high-tech youth is driving... Paul Kleyman http://publisher.namx.org/mt-cp.cgi?__mode=view&blog_id=19&id=103
New America Media - Mon, 03/10/2014 - 02:35
above photo: Woman with dog on the bus from South of Market up Van Ness Avenue. (Paul Dunn/Central City Extra)Click to see the entire Special Report, "Old and Poor in Tech City" Editor’s note: This is part of a special... NAM/the Extra staff http://publisher.namx.org/mt-cp.cgi?__mode=view&blog_id=19&id=103
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